CABUL.—The following is succinct account of this expedition. “Every preparation was now completed for our march, and on the 12th of October, 1842, our force, divided into three brigades, left Cabul, the first under General Pollock, the second under General McCaskill, and the rear under General Nott. We had not proceeded more than four miles, when we heard the explosion of the mines, which left the renowned Cabul a vast region of ruins; and the Affghans to judge the spirit of the British as an avenging one. Cabul lies under the Hindoo Koosh, and is bordered on the one side by the Himalaya, and the rivers Attock and Rozee: the people are robust and healthy; their manners amount to insolence and cruelty; they are continually at war with each[78] other; and are divided into tribes. Trade seemed to have abounded greatly, and the country is generally in a flourishing state: the cities of Cabul, Ghuznee, and Candahar, are the principal ones of Affghanistan; the Persians form a considerable portion of the inhabitants of Cabul, and the traffic with that country is somewhat extensive.
The divisions made a general move at daybreak, on the 12th October, to Thag Bakh, about six miles distant from Cabul; and on the entrance to the Koord Cabul Pass, Her Majesty’s 9th and 13th Regiments, together with six Native Corps of the 1st Division, manned the hills commanding the pass, to enable those in the valley below to move on unmolested. On the morning of the 13th the troops entered the Pass which led to Tezeen, about nine miles. The mountains were high and craggy, and very dark, rendering the road extremely gloomy and sad; a torrent ran in a serpentine direction from side to side, which reminded me of the Bolun; it had to be crossed twenty-eight times during about six miles. We had scarcely got well into the jaws of this awful scene of romantic vastness, whose hollow crags seemed to echo defiance to our intruding tread, when a number of the enemy made their appearance in the rear, but were kept in check. The very great height of the mountains, of a dark, reddish colour, struck one with awe, and silence seemed to reign over all; the mind was totally occupied in contemplating this fearful sight of hidden deeds; horror struck the feeling heart, when the eye fell on the skeletons of our departed comrades, who lay in most agonizing positions, indicative of their last struggle for life. Here a spot would be strewed with a few crouched up in a corner, where they had evidently fled to cover themselves by some detached rock, from the overpowering cruelty of their foe, and had been rivetted by death. There couples were lying who had died in each other’s arms, locked as it were in the last embrace of despair: numbers lay in every direction, devoid of every particle of clothes; some with the greater part of the flesh putrefied on their bleaching bones—others were clean from having been devoured by the vast number of carrion birds and beasts inhabiting these terrible regions. I at first attempted to count the number of frames as I went along, but found them so numerous that I could not find time, and my inclination sickened from the awfulness of the scene. The pass was no more than thirty feet wide at this part, and so numerous were the mouldering frames of these whose lives had been sacrificed during the last winter, that they literally covered the road—and, in consequence, the artillery and other wheeled carriages had to pass over them—and it was indeed[79] horrible to hear the wheels cracking the bones of our unburied comrades. It was quite easy to discover the Europeans by the hair on the skulls, which still remained fresh. After a tedious, and indeed a painful march, we reached Tezeen, which opens from the narrow Pass into a much wider part, sufficient to enable us to pitch our camp. Here was a sad scene of recent strife—scarce a tent could be pitched but a skeleton or two had to be removed, just kicked aside as though it were a stump of a tree, in order to leave clear the place for the interior of the tent, and there remained unnoticed. It has often been a subject of deep reflection to me, to think how utterly reckless man can be made by habit: so used were we to these sights, that it became a mere commonplace matter to see such relics of devastation and massacre. I remember walking with a friend down the centre of the camp, and we had often to stride over skeletons, without the least observation, further than I could not help heaving a sigh, and reflecting in silence on their unfortunate end.
The next day took us thirteen miles on a road of extreme barrenness; the high, wild, rugged mountains, hemmed in the narrow defile; the skeletons of the massacred force still strewed the road in every direction; no signs of vegetation, or aught to relieve the eye from wildness—the numerous hollow crags, as we passed, seemed to ring with echoing despair, and afforded most formidable positions for the treacherous Affghan to use his jezail or matchlock, without fear of opposition. The enemy, finding we had now entered the Pass, hovered about, and succeeded in murdering an officer, and a few men of Pollock’s force. The divisions marched one day a-head of each other, and thus kept up a continued line of communication. I, with General Nott’s, arrived at this ground on the 14th; the road was equally extremely harassing the next day, as indeed, ever since our entrance to the Pass. The ascents and descents are so numerous, coupled with having to cross the water so often, and there being no hold for the feet, on the loose flinty stones, made it very trying for both man and beast. Upwards of twenty times had the gushing torrent, dashing from side to side of the valley, to be waded through, and numbers of bleaching frames of the victims of Akbar’s treachery, lay exposed in the midst of the rolling stream. In one part of this day’s march we came to a place fifty yards in length, crowded with dead bodies of men, horses, and camels, which were those of a troop of irregular cavalry, who had all been cut up on this spot. About a mile from Sah Baba, our next ground, stands a round tower, the ruins of an old fort; it was now used as a bone house, and was crammed to the ceiling, with skulls, legs, arms,[80] and shattered frames, and numbers were heaped outside the door, and round it,—placed there by the enemy, to form a glaring spectacle of their bitter revenge. A large body of Affghans were now seen covering the hills in our rear, and opened a fire into the dreary abyss, on our rear guards and baggage as they passed. The column had moved on some few miles, but were halted, and those of our troops in possession of the heights commenced an attack, and succeeded in repelling them, and forcing them to retreat, and we reached camp with little loss. This place is said to be the burial place of Lamech, the father of Noah, and if we may judge from its wild, dreary, stony, barren appearance, which looked as if it had been washed up into a heap after the deluge, and so void of all chances of fertility, that one could scarcely doubt the tradition.
Our next day led on to Kutta Sang, and of all the roads I had ever seen or traversed, as yet, this was the worst. The route led from hill to hill, the ascents being difficult and stony, and the descents in addition being very dangerous, as a fearful precipice presented itself should you happen to fall. These unwelcome views were many in number, and coupled with the tedious progress of the cattle and baggage, and the difficulty experienced in dragging the guns and loads up these many steep hills, and nothing but a dreary road to travel onward, made the march bad indeed. After the main body reached camp, the rear guard was attacked; a reinforcement was despatched, and a smart skirmish ensued; the Affghans seemed to delight in annoying us, and from their hidden positions most peremptorily carried their plan into effect; we lost few men compared with them, and the whole reached camp about midnight. Still the poor soldier found misery destined for him in every direction. On arriving at a new ground, two regiments had to mount duty on the summits of the hills bordering the route, which had to be ascended after the day’s harassing march, thus forming a second, much more so. The scanty, coarse meal, being nothing more than a quantity of meat and broth made from an allowance of a scarcely lifeless carcass, of the hard-driven, skeletonized bullock, and this of times not prepared before the dead hour of night; and then carried up to the men cold and tasteless. The bread or cake made of coarse, hand-ground flour, full of grit and small straw, half-baked and calculated to produce disease by its use; and ere this was well eaten, the rouse would sound, and the weary instrument of Britain’s safety would be wending his way through the dreary and unknown regions, ’mid almost perpendicular rocks, and perilous tracks. Such was the road of the next day’s march, to Jugdulluk[81] Pass: this is by no means the most difficult one to explore—the sides not being near so high as those already traversed; it had some appearance of fertility, being studded with many small bushes. There were innumerable small caves, or recesses in the rocks, and it was from those dark-dens, forming cover for the enemy, that they succeeded so well in cutting off our unfortunate brethren, whose skeletons here were very numerously strewed about the path, and thus rendered the Pass more horrible than it would have been; for the light shone brighter here than we had it for some time. Nay, so stupendous were the mountains, hemming the ravines we had passed, that it would be often far advanced in the day before the sun would be seen by those beneath.
The unfortunate 44th made a somewhat successful stand in the Jugdulluk Pass, and succeeded, ere they were overpowered, in slaying many of their foes. The pass was narrow, and the Affghans, who had preceded us some hours, with a view to intercept and baffle us, had formed breastworks across the road; and, would it be believed, that these breastworks were formed of skeletons of our own men and horses? Not less than 100 frames could have been here piled up, which had to be removed before we could pass on. About 600 of the enemy made their appearance here, and in the first onset did considerable damage,—but a detachment from the main body soon dislodged them, and put them to the rout; it was common to see, lying on the road, bodies of murdered Sepoys and couriers; and in fact to attempt to enumerate the acts of treachery practised on us, would be next to impossible. We at length reached Soorkab. At this ground was a cluster of fine tall trees, which relieved the eye, and led us to hope we were approaching a land of the living; the camp was bordered by the celebrated Red River, a most beautiful crystal stream, rolling most musically over a stony bottom, and under the ridge of an immense mountain; the continued buzz kept up by the murmuring torrent echoing from the fearful crags, lulled the weary travellers in camp to sleep. Across this river is a most splendid bridge of one gigantic arch, which led by a declivitous route from this Pass to another; on the right of this bridge, which was erected by Alexander, issued a cataract roaring and dashing from the hills, which fed the stream, and formed a most beautiful picture. It was on this bridge that a number of the 44th—from the extreme inclemency of the weather, and the bitterness of the frost—were so benumbed with cold that they were unable to use their arms when attacked on their retreat. Oh! when reflection is but called up, and the miserable condition of these poor, oppressed creatures, considered,[82] it cannot but call forth a sigh of deep regret,—bereft of every chance of escape, or wherewithal to exist,—as they were. When we consider that some of our nearest and dearest relatives or friends were amongst the number—surely, if there is one spark of sympathy left, it will be kindled for those whose last struggle was for their country’s cause.
Our next route led across the bridge through the defile already described, and on the road were lying the bodies of two murdered Sepoys. The ascents and descents were as usual; and from the summit of these intersecting hills, the eye would carry itself upon range after range of never ending cliffs and walls of mountains; the dark aspect of the distant horizon carried with it a volume of thoughts, wondering when the back would be once more turned on such dreariness. The moving mass below would be seen winding its serpentine length along the Pass, which from its narrowness, being obstructed by huge masses of detached rock having fallen from the heights, and impassable by other than taking a circuitous route, were truly harassing to the men and cattle. I may as well here mention the great trials and difficulties experienced in dragging along the heavy portions of the baggage, more particularly the celebrated Somnauth gates, which it will doubtless be remembered, were taken by direction of the Governor General, from the tomb of Sultan Mahomed at Ghuznee. These gates, it will doubtless also be remembered, were the idolatrous trophy of the Hindoos in the Guzerat Peninsula. The General directed a guard of not less than the wing of a regiment to mount over these gates, which were placed upon two platform carts, and drawn by six bullocks each. The other castes of the native Sepoys would not go near them, and the Hindoos were comparatively few, and insufficient to perform the duty, and as these gates were to be taken to the provinces for the purpose of being restored to that race, so great was the care taken of them that they were placed next to the main body of the army on the march, and nothing was permitted to go before them. The consequence was, that oftentimes, owing to the bullocks growing stubborn, the whole in the rear have been delayed; and the gates have had to be dragged by fatigue parties of the Europeans—night has set in—the enemy have taken advantage of our position, and have succeeded in cutting off numbers who otherwise would have been safe in camp. The badness of the roads and darkness of the night, together with the incessant fatigue and consequent loss occasioned by the protection of these idolatrous baubles, have caused much well-grounded controversy, and involved much discredit on the authorities.[83] Many are the lives which have been lost by this—and for what? to restore to a tribe of idolaters, an idol, that they might worship with the greater vehemence, as it had been recaptured for them; and all this, too, by the representative of a Christian people. I need say nothing farther, except that, owing to the great question raised relative to their restoration, in our Parliament in 1843 and 1844, and since the recall of Lord Ellenborough, they remain like so much lumber stored in one of the stations in Bengal.
But to proceed to the march. A short distance from our camp, which was Gundamuck, stands a small hill, where the remnant of the 44th Regiment, about 300, made their last stand, and fought most desperately whilst their ammunition lasted, and were at length annihilated: their skeletons strewed the hill sides and summit; about 250 soldiers, and upwards of 30 officers, I believe, fell on this hill, and a deplorable sight it presented. We soon reached the camp, where Generals Pollock and McCaskill had halted; this place had been formed into a dép?t for grain and forage (only chopped straw), on Pollock’s advance on Cabul; the Passes from Peshawur, as he passed through, had been kept by our troops; thus in a great measure securing our route. We now refreshed ourselves with a day’s rest, and our cattle with a feast of forage, such as it was; and also in comparative confidence, as we were now but a couple of day’s stage from Jellalabad. The mails from Europe for the army were despatched from Calcutta and met us at this place, so that all in all it was quite a day of pleasure, receiving news from that dear place Home, “which never was so sweetly felt as in such times as these,”—conjunction of the Divisions, and recognition of old comrades who had escaped the perils of the few past days, and such like,—made the whole feel refreshed, and filled us with the utmost cheerfulness.”
CAIRO, OR GRAND CAIRO.—Burnt to prevent its occupation by the Crusaders, in 1220. Taken by the Turks from the Egyptian sultans, and their empire subdued, 1517. Taken by the French under Bonaparte, July 23rd, 1798. Taken by the British and Turks, when 6000 French capitulated, June 27th, 1801.
CALAIS.—Taken by Edward III, after a year’s siege, August 4th, 1347, and held by England 210 years. It was retaken by Mary, January 7th, 1558, and the loss of Calais so deeply touched the Queen’s heart, historians say it occasioned her death. Calais was bombarded by the English, 1694.
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CALVI, SIEGE OF.—Besieged by the British, June 12th, 1744, and after a close investment of 59 days, surrendered on August 10th following. The garrison then marched out with the honors of war, and were conveyed to Toulon. It surrendered to the French in 1796.
CAMBRAY.—Taken by the Spaniards in 1595. It was invested by the Austrians, August 8th, 1793, and the Republican General Declay replied to the Imperial summons to surrender, that “he knew not how to do that, but his soldiers knew how to fight.” The French here were defeated by the Duke of York, April 23rd, 1794. It was then seized by the British, by Sir Charles Colville, June 24th, 1815. This was one of the fortresses occupied by the allied armies for five years after the fall of Napoleon.
CAMDEN, BATTLES OF.—The first battle fought here was between General Gates and Lord Cornwallis. The Americans were defeated August 16th, 1780. The second battle was fought between the revolted Americans and the British, the former commanded by General Greene, and the latter by Lord Rawdon. The Americans were again defeated, April 25th, 1781. Camden was evacuated and burnt by the British, May 13th, 1781.
CAMPERDOWN, BATTLE OF.—This was a memorable engagement, off Camperdown, between the British fleet, under Admiral Duncan, and the Dutch fleet, commanded by Admiral De Winter. The Dutch lost 15 ships, which were either taken or sunk. It was fought October 11th, 1797. This victory obtained the brave and good Admiral a peerage.
CAMPO FORMIO, TREATY OF.—Concluded between France and Austria. This memorable and humiliating treaty took place on the 17th October, 1797. By this treaty Austria had to yield the low countries and the Ionian Islands to France; and Milan &c., to the Cisalpine Republic.
CANNAE, BATTLE OF.—This battle, one of the most celebrated in ancient history, was fought between the Romans and Hannibal. The forces of the Africans amounted to 50,000, while those of the Romans were equal to 88,000, of whom 40,000 were slain. The victor sent 3 bushels of gold rings as a present to the Carthagenian ladies, which he had taken off the fingers of the Roman knights slain in this memorable[85] engagement. So contested was the fight that neither side perceived an earthquake, which happened during the battle. The place is now called “The Field of Blood.” Fought 21st May, B.C. 216.
CANNON.—They are said to have been used as early as 1338. First used by the English at the siege of Calais, 1347. Used by the English first in battle, that of Crecy, in 1346.
CAPE BRETON.—Discovered by the English 1584. Taken by the French in 1632. Restored and again taken in 1745, and retaken in 1748. Finally possessed by the English, when 5000 men were made prisoners of war, and 11 ships destroyed, 1758. Ceded to England at the peace of 1783.
CAPE ST. VINCENT.—1st Battle.—Admiral Rooke, with 20 ships of war, and the Turkish fleet under his convoy, was attacked by Admiral Tourville with a force vastly superior to his own, off Cape St. Vincent, when 12 English and Dutch men of war and 80 merchantmen were captured or destroyed by the French. It was fought June 15th, 1693.
2nd Battle.—This second battle was one of the most glorious of the British navy. Sir John Jarvis, being in command of the Mediterranean fleet of 15 sail, gave battle to the Spanish fleet of 27 ships of the line, and signally defeated the enemy, nearly double in strength, taking 4 ships and destroying several others. Fought February 14th, 1797. For this victory Sir John Jarvis was raised to the peerage under the title of Earl St. Vincent.
CAPTAIN.—This title, derived from the French capitaine, literally signifies a head or chief officer,—the officer who commands a company. In Turkey, the Captain-Bashaw is the High Admiral.
CARLISLE.—The castle founded by William II, in 1092, was made the prison of the unfortunate Queen of Scots, 1568. Taken by the Parliamentary forces in 1645, and by the Pretender in 1745.
CARRICKFERGUS.—This town surrendered to the Duke of Schomberg, August 28th, 1689. William III landed here June 14th, 1690, to reduce the adherents of James II. This place is memorable for the expedition of the French Admiral Thurot, when its castle surrendered to his force of 1000 men, in 1760.
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CARTHAGE.—Founded by Dido. Taken by the Roman General Scipio, and burnt to the ground B.C. 146. The flames of the burning city raged for 17 days, and thousands of the inhabitants perished in them rather than survive the calamities of their country. Afterwards it was rebuilt, but razed by the Saracens, and now no trace of the city appears.
CARTHAGENA.—In Columbia.—Was taken by Sir Francis Drake in 1584. It was pillaged by the French of ￡1,200,000 in 1697. It was bombarded by Admiral Vernon in 1740–1.
“When the forces were landed at Carthagena, the commanders erected a battery, with which they made a breach in the principal fort, while Vernon, who commanded the fleet, sent a number of ships into the harbor to divide the fire of the enemy, and to co-operate with the army on shore. The breach being deemed practicable, a body of troops were commanded to storm; but the Spaniards deserted the forts, which, if possessed of courage, they might have defended with success. The troops, upon gaining this advantage, were advanced a good deal nearer the city; but there they met a much greater opposition than they had expected. It was found, or at least asserted, that the fleet could not lie near enough to batter the town, and that nothing remained but to attempt one of the forts by scaling. The leaders of the fleet and the army began mutually to accuse each other, each asserting the probability of what the other denied. At length, Wentworth, stimulated by the admiral’s reproach, resolved to try the dangerous experiment, and ordered that fort St. Lazare should be attempted by scalade. Nothing could be more unfortunate than this undertaking; the forces marching up to the attack, the guides were slain, and they mistook their way. Instead of attempting the weakest part of the fort, they advanced to where it was the strongest, and where they were exposed to the fire of the town. Colonel Grant, who commanded the grenadiers, was killed in the beginning. Soon after it was found that their scaling ladders were too short; the officers were perplexed for want of orders, and the troops stood exposed to the whole fire of the enemy, without knowing how to proceed. After bearing a dreadful fire for some hours with great intrepidity, they at length retreated, leaving 600 men dead on the spot. The terrors of the climate soon began to be more dreadful than those of war; the rainy season came on with such violence, that it was impossible for the troops to continue encamped; and the mortality of the season now began to attack them in all its frightful varieties. To these calamities, sufficient[87] to quell any enterprise, was added the dissension between the land and sea commanders, who blamed each other for every failure, and became frantic with mutual recrimination. They only, therefore, at last, could be brought to agree in one mortifying measure, which was to re-embark the troops, and withdraw them as quickly as possible from the scene of slaughter and contagion.”
CASTIGLIONE, BATTLE OF.—One of the most brilliant victories of the French arms under Napoleon against the Austrians, commanded by General Wurmsex. The battle lasted 5 days, from the 2nd to the 6th July, 1796. The Austrians lost 70 field pieces, all their caissons, and between 12,000 to 15,000 prisoners, and 6000 killed and wounded.
CASTILLON, BATTLE OF.—In France.—Fought between the armies of England (Henry VI) and those of France (Charles VII). The English were signally defeated, July 7th, 1453,—Calais alone remaining in their hands.
CASTLEBAR, BATTLE OF.—Fought between a body of French troops and an insurgent Irish force, at Killala, on the one hand, and the King’s royal forces on the other; the latter, after a short contest, being obliged to retire, August 28th, 1798.
CATAMARANS.—Fire machines for destroying ships, invented and tried on the Boulogne flotilla of Napoleon. Sir Sidney Smith attempted to burn the flotilla, but failed, August 31st, 1805.
CATAPULT?.—Engines used by the ancient Romans for throwing stones. Invented by Dionysius, the King of Syracuse, B.C. 399.
CATEAU, PEACE OF.—Concluded between Henry II of France and Philip II of Spain, in 1599. A battle was fought here between the allies, under the Prince of Cobourg, and the French. The latter were defeated with a loss of 5000 in killed and 5 pieces of cannon, March 28th, 1794.
CAWNPORE.—In India.—Famous in the Great Indian mutiny, which is thus described:
“At Cawnpore, a terrible disaster befell the British arms. Sir Hugh Wheeler, a veteran officer of approved bravery, had entrenched himself in the barracks with a force of less than 300 fighting men, and upwards of 500 women and children, the wives and families of officers and civilians,[88] and of the Queen’s 32d regiment, then besieged at Lucknow. The insurgents were commanded by Nena Sahib, or, rather, Dhandoo Pant, Rajah of Bhitoor, the adopted son of the late Peishwah Bajee Raho. This man, under the mask of kindly feeling toward the English, nurtured a deadly hatred against the government, which had refused to acknowledge his claims as the Peishwah’s successor. He had long been addicted to the most revolting sensuality, and had lost all control over his passions. Wearied and enraged by the desperate resistance of this handful of brave men, he offered them a safe passage to Allahabad, if they would give up their guns and treasure. The place, indeed, was no longer tenable; and the survivors, diminished in number, were exhausted by constant vigils and want of food. In an evil moment, then, they accepted the terms of their perfidious enemy, marched down to the river, and embarked on board the boats which had been prepared for them. Suddenly a masked battery opened fire upon them, and crowds of horse and foot soldiers lined either bank. Many were shot dead, still more were drowned, and about 150 taken prisoners; four only escaped by swimming. The men were instantly put to death in cold blood; the women and children were spared for a few days longer.
“General Havelock, taking the command at Allahabad of the 78th Highlanders, the Queen’s 64th, the 1st Madras Fusiliers, and the Ferozepore regiment of Sikhs, had set out in the hope of arriving at Cawnpore in time to release Sir Hugh Wheeler and his devoted comrades. After marching 126 miles, fighting four actions, and capturing a number of guns of heavy calibre, in eight days, and in the worst season of an Indian climate, he was yet too late to avert the terrible catastrophe. The day before he entered Cawnpore, Nena Sahib foully murdered the women and children, who alone survived of the Cawnpore garrison, and caused them to be flung, the dead and the dying, into a well of the courtyard of the assembly rooms.”
Another account says:—
“General Havelock arrived before Cawnpore on the 18th July, and so eager was he to rescue the garrison (for he was not yet aware of what had happened), that he attacked the Sepoy position without delay. Ordering a charge, his gallant band rushed to the onset. Not a word was uttered until when within 100 yards of the rebels, three deafening cheers,—cheers such as Englishmen only can give, rang out. Then came the crash; a murderous volley of musketry and the crash of bayonets soon drove the mutineers back, and Cawnpore was taken; 1000 British[89] troops and 300 Sikhs had put to flight 5000 of the flower of the native soldiery, with a native chief in command.
“When Havelock’s soldiers entered the assembly rooms, the blood came up over their shoes. There they found clotted locks of hair, leaves of religious books, and fragments of clothing in sickening array, while into the well outside the bodies had been rudely thrown. The horrors of that scene will never be fully known. A terrible retribution fell on the mutineers. General Neil compelled the Brahmins to wipe out, on their bended knees, the sanguinary traces of the outrages before he ordered them to execution, and when the 78th Highlanders found the mutilated remains of one of General Wheeler’s daughters, they divided the locks of hair among them, pledging each other in solemn covenant, that for every hair thus appropriated, a mutineer’s life and that alone could be the atonement. The eldest daughter of Sir Hugh Wheeler is said to have behaved in a most heroic manner; one of the natives testified that she shot five Sepoys with a revolver, and then threw herself into the well.”
CAVALRY.—Of the ancients the Romans had the best cavalry. To each legion there was attached 300 cavalry in ten turmae. The Persians were famous for their horse troops—they had 10,000 horse at the battle of Marathon, B.C. 490, and 10,000 Persian cavalry at the battle of Issus, B.C. 333. Horse soldiers were early introduced into the British army. During the wars of Napoleon the strength amounted to 31,000 men. The British cavalry is divided into the household troops, dragoons, hussars and lancers. Since 1840 the number has continued, with little variation, to the present day, at about 10,000.
CEDAR RAPIDS, CANADA.—Occupied by the Americans as a small fort in 1776. Taken by a detachment of the British army, and 500 Indians, under the celebrated Indian chief Brant, without firing a gun. The Americans sent to its support were captured after a severe engagement.
CENTURION.—From the Latin Centum a hundred. An officer who commanded 100 men in the Roman army. There were 6000 men in a legion, and hence sixty centurions. He was distinguished from the others by a branch of vine which he carried in his hand.
CEYLON.—Discovered by the Portuguese, A.D. 1505. Columbo, its capital, taken by the Dutch, in 1603, recovered in 1621; again taken 1656. Seized by the British 1795. Ceded to Great Britain by the Peace of[90] Amiens in 1802. The British troops were treacherously massacred or imprisoned by the Adigar of Candy, June 26th, 1803. The complete sovereignty of the whole island taken by England in 1815.
CH?RONEA, BATTLE OF.—Fought between the Athenians and B?otians, B.C. 447. Another battle, and the great one of history, was fought here between the confederate army of Greece of 30,000, and that of the Macedonians, under Philip, amounting to 32,000, August 2nd, 338 B.C. Yet another battle was fought here between Archelaus, Lieutenant of Mithridates and Sylla, B.C. 86, when Archelaus was defeated and 110,000 Cappadocians slain.
CHAMBLY.—An important military post on the River Richelieu, Canada. It was often attacked by the Iroquois Indians. In 1775 it was captured by the Americans, but retaken in 1776. It is now a small military station.
CHARLEROI, BATTLES OF.—Great battles in several wars have been fought near this town; the chief in 1690 and 1794. (See Fleurus.) Besieged by Prince of Orange in 1672, and again invested by the same Prince, with 60,000 men, in 1677, but he was obliged to retire. Near to the place is Ligny—(which see)—memorable at the battle of Waterloo.
CHARLESTOWN.—Massachusetts.—Burnt by the British forces under General Gage, January 17th, 1775. English fleet here repulsed with great loss, June 28th, 1776. Taken by the British, May 7th, 1779.
CHARLESTON.—South Carolina.—Besieged by the British troops in March 1780, and surrendered in May 13th following, with 6000 prisoners. Evacuated by the British, April 14th, 1783. Famous during the wars of Secession. The South Carolina Convention assembled here, March 26th, 1861. A battle was fought here, and the rebels or Confederates defeated, August 19th, 1861, and after experiencing all the vicissitudes of war, it was evacuated February 17th, 1865, and next day surrendered to General Gilmore.
CHATEAUGUAY.—Canada.—To effect a junction with the army of General Wilkinson, on October 26th, 1813, General Hampton, with 3500 men pushed forward from Lake Champlain towards Montreal. At the junction of the Ontario and Chateauguay Rivers, he there met 400 Canadians under Colonel de Salaberry, who most bravely disputed his[91] advance. By skilful management and great bravery on the part of the Canadian officers, Viger and Doucet, the Americans were compelled to retreat towards Plattsburg. Their loss was considerable, while that of the Canadians was only two men killed and sixteen wounded. Gen. Hampton returned to Plattsburg, his army having dwindled away by sickness and desertion.
CHATILLON, CONGRESS OF.—Held by the four powers allied against France, February 5th, 1814, but the negociation for peace was broken off, March 19th following.
CHAUMONT, TREATY OF.—Between Great Britain, Austria, Russia and Prussia, March 1st, 1814. It was followed by the treaty of Paris, by which Napoleon abdicated, April 11th following.
CHERBOURG.—Famous for an engagement between the English and French fleets. French defeated; 21 of their ships burnt or destroyed by Admirals Rooke and Russel, May 19th, 1692. The fort, etc., destroyed by the British, who landed August, 1758. The works begun by Louis XVI, and completed by Napoleon, are proof against any armament in the world.
CHESAPEAKE, BATTLE OF THE.—Fought at the mouth of the river of this name, between the British Admiral Greaves and the French Admiral De Grasse, in the interest of the revolted States of America, 1781. The Chesapeake and Delaware, blockaded by the British in 1812. The American frigate of this name surrendered to the Shannon, British frigate, after a very severe action, June 2nd, 1813.
CHILLIANWALLAH, BATTLE OF.—In India.—This memorable and sanguinary battle, between the Sikh forces and the British, was fought January 13th, 1849. Lord Gough commanded. The Sikhs were completely routed, but the British also suffered severely: 26 officers were killed and 66 wounded, and 731 rank and file were killed and 1446 wounded. The loss of the Sikhs was 3000 killed and 4000 wounded. This battle was followed by the attack on the Sikh camp and the army under Sheere Shing, in its position at Goojerat (which see) February 21st, 1849.
CHIPPEWA.—On the 5th July, 1814, General Ball with 2400 men gave battle here to 4000 Americans. The British fought bravely, but were obliged to retire to Lundy’s Lane, or Bridgewater, near the Falls of Niagara.
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CHRYSLER’S FARM.—Williamsburg, Canada.—On the 11th November, 1813, the Americans, under General Wilkinson, in their passage down the St. Lawrence to attack Montreal, being harassed by the Canadian forces, resolved to land and disperse them. They were 2000 strong and the Canadians 1000. After two hours of very hard fighting, in an open field, the Americans were compelled to retire, with the loss of one general, and 350 killed and wounded. Canadian loss 200. Medals were granted to the victors of this battle by the British Government.
CHINA.—“The opening of the China trade to all British subjects, by the abolition of the East India Company’s monopoly in 1833, gave rise to a series of disputes with the native rulers, which at length led to open hostilities. These disputes, relating at first mainly to the legal rights and immunities to be enjoyed by the commercial superintendents appointed by the British cabinet, came eventually to be merged in the greater question touching the traffic in opium, which had all along been in some measure declared contraband by the Imperial Government. It was not, however, peremptorily prohibited till 1836; and even afterwards, through the connivance of the inferior authorities, an active smuggling trade continued to be carried on till 1839, when the Imperial Commissioner Lin, determined on its forcible suppression, seized the persons of the British merchants at Canton, and of Captain Elliot, the superintendent. That functionary was then compelled, by threats of personal violence to himself and his fellow-prisoners, to issue an order for the surrender of all the opium on board the vessels in the vicinity of Canton, which, to the value of above ￡2,000,000 sterling, was accordingly given up to the Chinese, who destroyed it,—the superintendent at the same time pledging the faith of the English government for compensation to the merchants. After various fruitless attempts to obtain satisfaction for this outrage, or even an accommodation by which the regular trade might be resumed, the cabinet of London resolved on hostilities. These, which were vigorously prosecuted, gave the Chinese a salutary lesson as to their inferiority to Europeans in military science and discipline; and they ended in a peace, signed August 29th, 1842, by which the Emperor agreed to pay $21,000,000 by way of compensation, to open five of his principal ports to our commerce, and to surrender the island of Hong-Kong to the British crown for ever.”
The following is a brief narrative from an English journal of the war of 1860 in China:—“On the 25th of June, 1860, the arrival of Sir[93] Hope Grant at Tahlien Bay completed the muster of the British force in Northern China. General de Montauban reached Cheefoo at the same time, but his tale of men was not full; and as the Ambassadors were not due for a fortnight, it was determined that our troops should be landed. This was done, and horses and men benefited exceedingly by their sojourn on the breezy slopes which look upon the northern and southern sides of the grand harbor of Tahlien-wan, chosen for our rendezvous; notwithstanding that the hottest month of the summer was passed by the men in bell-tents, and by horses in the open.
On the 1st August, a landing was effected at Pehtang without opposition, much to our surprise and delight, for the only spot at which disembarkation was practicable is distant only 2000 yards from the snug-looking forts which appeared to protect the town; and even at this place there was a mile of water at high tide, or of more difficult mud at low water, to be traversed, before the troops could reach anything which might, by courtesy or comparison, be termed dry ground.
The 2nd brigade of 1st Division of British troops, and a French brigade, formed the first landing party. A vigorous resistance had been expected at this place; and had a fair proportion of the means lavished on the defence of the Peiho been expended on the Pehtang river, we should have had great trouble, for by nature that position is certainly the stronger. The forts on either side, and the town which adjoins that on the right bank, are built on two molecules of solid ground, which have turned up, one does not know how, at a distance of five miles inland from the bar, which closes the entrance of the river, to even the smallest gunboats, save at high water. The town is surrounded by a sea of mud, impassable to horse or man, inundated at high tide; it is connected with the comparatively higher country bordering the Peiho by a narrow causeway, which a determined and skilful enemy could hold against any force whatever, until driven successively from positions which might be established on the causeway at every hundred yards. We found, on the night of the 1st August, that the forts were deserted, and that the guns with which they bristled were but wooden “Quakers.” Next day we occupied town and forts.
Large bodies of cavalry having shown themselves in our front, a reconnaissance was made on the 3rd August, covered, in the absence of cavalry, not yet landed, by infantry and by two French 8-pounder guns, the only artillery disembarked. We discovered that our polite enemy had left the causeway unoccupied, and that his force held no position nearer than 8[94] miles from the town we were in. The Chinese pickets opened fire upon our troops, but were speedily driven back. The reconnaissance effected, our force returned to Pehtang unmolested.
Meanwhile the Admirals had set to work, landing troops, horses, guns, materiel, and stores. The navy worked famously; and as everything had to be brought into the river either in, or in tow of, the gunboats, whose movements depended upon the tides, the work, under the active superintendence of Captain Borlase, C.B., continued without regard to any arbitrary distinction between day and night. During four or five of the ten days spent in this tedious operation, the rain fell in torrents; and as the interior of Pehtang is below high water-mark, the streets were knee-deep in mud, composed, in addition to the usual impurities pertaining to that substance, of flour, wardrobes, Tartar-hats, field rakes, coal, shutters, oil-cake, chaff, china-cups, matting, beer-bottles, tin cans, and kittens, being chiefly the contents of the dwellings of the townspeople, which were successively turned out of windows to make room for our troops. The cavalry and artillery horses were picketed in the streets, where alone space was available; and how they and we and everybody escaped death from typhus fever or plague, Heaven only knows. The sanitary officer was outraged by the result. During this time, water for the use of the troops was obtained in boats filled by the navy in the river above the influence of the tide, and towed to Pehtang, where the contents were landed in barrels for distribution.
On the 12th August, after a delay of a day on account of the French, who at first were unwilling to advance till the season changed, we moved out to attack the enemy’s position; General Michel with the 1st Division and the French, along the causeway against the enemy’s front, General Napier, with the 2nd Division and cavalry, by a track which diverged from the causeway to the right at a short distance from Pehtang, with the view of turning the enemy’s left.
It will not be easy for those who were not present to realise the difficulties of this march, or to do justice to the troops who performed it. The gun-waggons sank literally axle-deep, and their hinder parts had to be left behind; the heavy cavalry were greatly distressed in struggling through the mud, and it occupied the troops six hours to traverse four miles, during which time the enemy remained in his position.
Napier’s division having reached moderately firm ground, advanced upon the open Tartar flank and rear; whilst the Allied left cannonaded his front, which was covered by a formidable intrenchment. The Tartar[95] cavalry came out in great numbers to meet Napier, who opened on them with Armstrong guns. At first the Tartars seemed puzzled, but not disturbed; presently, seeing they were losing men, they rapidly extended, and in a few minutes the 2nd Division stood enveloped in a grand circle of horsemen, advancing from all points towards the centre. Napier’s infantry were speedily deployed, his cavalry let loose, and artillery kept going; and though the heavy ground was rendered more difficult for our cavalry by ditches broad and deep, whose passages were known to the enemy alone, yet, within a quarter of an hour of their advance, the Tartar force was everywhere in retreat. Not, however, till a body of their horsemen, which had charged Sterling’s battery, had been gallantly met and beaten by a party of Fane’s Horse, inferior in number, under Lieutenant Macgregor, who was severely wounded.
The Allied left then advanced along the causeway, and occupied the lines of the intrenchments about Senho, which the enemy deserted on the success of our right.
Amongst some papers found after the action, was a copy of a report from the Tartar General San-ko-lin-tzin to the Emperor, setting forth that the physical difficulties in the way of our landing at Pehtang, and of advancing thence across a country which never is dry, rendered it unnecessary to dispute our disembarkation on that river; and even if a landing should be effected, and our troops could be got under weigh, the general considered that nothing would be easier than to destroy us with his hordes of cavalry, so soon as we got entangled in the marshes.
At Senho the Allied forces rested their right on the Peiho river. The Taku Forts are about six miles lower down. Mid-way between Senho and the northernmost or nearest fort on the left bank, stands the town of Tungkoo, surrounded by a very long intrenchment, consisting of a formidable rampart and a parapet, covered in all its length by a double wet ditch.
General de Montauban proposed to attack this town the afternoon we reached Senho, but Sir Hope Grant would not consent to do so until he had acquired some knowledge of the position.
The French Commander-in-Chief thereon determined to take the place at once without the aid of our troops. The French troops were led along the causeway communicating between Senho and Tungkoo, which appeared to be the only means of approach; but so considerable a fire was developed from the ramparts as to deter our Allies from attempting a coup-de-main, and they returned to camp after cannonading the place for half an hour.
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Means having been afterwards found of approaching Tungkoo with a large front on firm ground, the 1st British Division and the French captured the place on the 14th August. It was exclusively an affair of artillery; the enemy’s guns in position on the ramparts were silenced by our Armstrong and 9-pounder guns, and the rifled 24-pounder of the French, gradually advanced, covered by infantry, to successive positions, as the enemy’s fire became weaker. The Allies had forty-two guns in the field. We found about fifty guns of all sorts in the ramparts, which the enemy, abandoned as our infantry advanced under cover of the guns. The British headed by the 60th Rifles, turned the right of the ditch, and entered the works a quarter of an hour before the French, who made their entry at the gate.
After taking Tungkoo, the 1st Division (British) returned to its camp in front of Senho, and the 2nd Division, which had been in reserve, occupied the town.
The view from General Napier’s house-top was not encouraging. As far as the eye could reach, we were surrounded by salt marshes, intersected by very numerous and wide canals, which carry sea-water into the salt-pans.
It was in contemplation to attack the north and south forts simultaneously, with a force operating on each side of the Peiho, and a bridge of boats was in course of construction across the river at Senho. But as all the materials of the bridge, save boats, had to be conveyed overland from Pehtang, its progress could not be rapid. Meanwhile, by dint of most laborious reconnaissance, General Napier had discovered that open ground near the north fort could be reached by artillery, on the completion of a line of causeway which he had commenced over the inundated ground within the town of Tungkoo, and by establishing crossing-places at certain points on five or six canals. He urged an immediate attack on the north forts only; and, having obtained permission to throw out a picket towards them, on the 19th, made so good a use of it, that in one night the passages of the canals were completed, and the Commander-in-chief was conducted next morning within five hundred yards of the nearest fort. Seeing all obstacles to the approach of the forts overcome, Sir Hope Grant frankly consented to General Napier’s scheme, and intrusted its execution to his division. The French commander was very averse to the plan proposed. He formally protested against it, but General Grant maintained his determination; and, devoting the night of the 20th to the construction of batteries, the attack was made upon the upper north[97] fort at daylight of the 21st August. The fire of thirty-one pieces of British and six of French ordnance gradually subdued the enemy’s artillery; their magazine was exploded by one of our shells; shortly before, that of the further north fort, which supported it, was blown up by a shell from one of the gunboats, which were rendering such assistance as they could give at a range of two thousand yards, the distance imposed by the stakes and booms which were laid across the river. On the advance of the infantry, the French crossed the ditches, upon scaling-ladders laid flat. Our engineers, who trusted to pontoons, were less successful, and the French had reared their ladders against the ramparts for a quarter of an hour, before our infantry, some by swimming and scrambling, others by following the French, had struggled across the ditches and reached the berme. But so active was the defence that no French soldier got into the place by the ladders, though several bravo men mounted them; an entrance was eventually made by both forces at the same time through embrasures, which were reached by steps hewn out of the earthen rampart with axes, bayonets, and swords.
When the attack was delivered General de Montauban was absent from the field, the French army being represented by General Collineau and his brigade.
It had been intended to breach the rampart near the gate, and so secure an entrance to the fort actually taken by assault; but our gallant Commander-in-Chief became impatient of the process, and the more speedy means of escalade was resorted to. It is highly probable that the rapidity of our success, and the tremendous loss inflicted on the garrison of the first fort, who had no time for escape in any large numbers, conduced to the surrender of the second fort and to the prompt abandonment of the position. Our loss amounted to two hundred and three British killed and wounded; the French loss was somewhat less. That of the Tartars was estimated at two thousand men, large numbers of whom became inmates of our hospitals.
The attack was gallant, so was the defence, and the success was perfect. The enemy immediately surrendered the further northern fort into our hands, with two thousand prisoners; and before the evening the entire position on the Peiho, covering an area of six square miles, and containing upwards of six hundred guns, was abandoned by its defenders.
The attack on the forts had only been deferred until provisions and munitions of war could be drawn from Pehtang, which we had quitted on the 12th August, in as light marching order as possible. Since our arrival[98] at Senho, our tents, packs, kits, ammunition, and baggage, had gradually been brought through the mud to the front as speedily as the limited means of transport would permit, but in the process many of the beasts of burden perished. The state of the country would alone account for this; but further, as none of the commissariat waggons were at this time disembarked, it was necessary that everything should be carried upon the backs of transport animals, many of which having just landed from Manilla, Japan, and Bombay in sorry condition, were quite unfit for this service. At this juncture the Chinese Coolie Corps, composed of men recruited at Canton, became the only reliable means of transport. They were very hard worked, but they performed their duty very cheerfully and well.
From the first landing at Pehtang until after the capture of the forts, the army was entirely dependent on sea-borne provisions, brought from the fleet in gunboats and carried across from Pehtang; fresh meat rations were therefore rare. No sooner were the forts surrendered than the Chinese peasantry hastened to establish markets; and fruit, poultry, eggs and sheep were offered for sale in profusion, at such moderate prices, that on the march from Tungkoo to Tientsin, spatchcock fowls, savoury omeletes, and stewed peaches became the staple food of the British soldier. On the 22nd of August, the day after the forts were captured, Admiral Hope, with a squadron of gunboats, had pushed up the Peiho river to Tientsin. He met with no opposition, and the townspeople threw themselves at his feet. The Ambassador, Commander-in-Chief, and a portion of our troops, speedily followed in gunboats; the remainder of the force by land, so soon as transport could be organized. The last of our regiments reached Tientsin, distant thirty-five miles from Taku, on the 5th of September.
A convention for the cessation of hostilities was to be signed on the 7th, and ground was actually taken for a review of all the troops, which was to be held for the edification of the Commissioners, after they should have signed the treaty.
Suddenly the sky darkened: it was ascertained that “Kweiliang” and his brother Commissioners were not armed with the powers they asserted, and ultimately, instead of parading on the 8th in holiday pageant, a portion of our forces began that day the march towards Pekin. The Ambassadors left next day, in company with the Commanders-in-Chief; the forces were advanced as far as carriage could be procured; but the means of the commissariat were insufficient to move the whole army to such a distance, and to carry the necessary supplies. The draught cattle furnished[99] by the mandarins at Tientsin were spirited away at the first halting place, and the 2nd division of the British army, which was to have brought up the rear, had to devote its carriage to the assistance of the 1st division, and remain behind.
In this emergency the commissariat would have had the greatest difficulty in feeding the troops in the front, but for the measures taken by Sir Robert Napier, who remained in command at Tientsin. By inducing persistent efforts to push boats up the river Peiho, which runs parallel to the road nearly up to Pekin, but which had been pronounced unnavigable by even the smallest craft, and by laying embargo on the traffic of Tientsin, General Napier procured, and with the aid of the navy organised, large means of water transport, which afforded invaluable assistance.
As the Ambassadors advanced they were met by letters announcing the appointment of “Tsai Prince of Ee” as Chief Commissioner to conclude negotiations in lieu of Kweiliang, who was pronounced to have proved himself incompetent; and on the 14th September, Messrs. Parkes and Wade held a conference with the Commissioners at Tung-chow, whereat, all preliminaries being settled, a letter was written to Lord Elgin acceding in terms to all his demands.
It was arranged that Lord Elgin was to meet the Commissioners in the walled city of Tung-chow, eight miles short of Pekin, where he would sign the convention, under escort of 1000 men; and that he should immediately afterwards proceed to Pekin, there to exchange ratifications of the Treaty of Tientsin (1858), under similar protection. Our armies meanwhile were to encamp four miles below Tung-chow.
Nothing remained but to settle details, and take up suitable quarters for Lord Elgin at Tung-chow. For this purpose Mr. Parkes, accompanied by Messrs. Loch (private secretary), De Norman (attached to Shanghai mission), and Bowlby (Times’ correspondent), with an escort of Fane’s Horse, under Lieut. Anderson, went out on the 17th. Lieut.-Colonel Beauchamp Walker accompanied the party, for the purpose of inspecting the ground designated by the Chinese for our encampment, and Mr. Thompson (Commissariat) was sent to guage the capabilities of supply of the city of Tung-chow.
On arrival they were well received; but in discussing affairs they were surprised to find objections raised on several points to which the Chinese Commissioners had before consented. However, after a discussion of five or six hours, the Chinese negociators gave way; and having arranged details, our party slept that night in the city, the guests of the Commissioners.
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Next morning Colonel Walker, accompanied by Messrs. Parkes and Loch, and attended by a Chinese officer deputed by the Commissioners, proceeded to examine the ground on which the British army was to be encamped, leaving the larger part of the escort at Tung-chow, where Messrs. Bowlby and De Norman also remained, pending the return of Parkes and Loch, who had yet to find a suitable residence for Lord Elgin within the walls of Tung-chow. On the way out, the party found the Tartar army in hurried movement in the direction of our forces, and on reaching the ground proposed for encampment, discovered it to be entirely commanded by the position which the Tartar forces, supported by a numerous artillery, were then taking up.
Seeing this, Parkes turned round and rode back to Tung-chow to demand a cessation of these hostile movements. Loch went on into the British camp with a couple of men to report progress, whilst Col. Walker, Thompson, and half-a-dozen dragoons, remained in the Tartar position, at Parkes’s request, until he should return. Having reported progress to the Commander-in-Chief, whom he met advancing, about a mile from the Tartar position, Loch returned towards the Tartars, accompanied by Captain Brabazon, R. A., with orders to Parkes to come back at once.
Mr. Parkes, on reaching Tung-chow, was rudely received by the Prince of Ee, and was told that until the questions to which objections had been made the day previous had been satisfactorily determined, peace could not exist. Thereupon Parkes, with Bowlby, De Norman, and all our people, left Tung-chow for the British camp. Mid-way they met Loch and Brabazon, who turned homewards with them, and all went on together, preceded by a flag of truce.
Before they came in sight of Colonel Walker and his few men, Tartar cavalry, blowing their matches, and making other hostile gestures, came galloping along the high bank on either side of our people, who were in a hollow way. Presently the party was summoned to halt; being surrounded, and ignorant of the ground, it was deemed advisable to comply, both to insist on the sanctity of the flag of truce, and to gain an opportunity of discovering the best way out of their uncomfortable position. The Tartar officer in command civilly told them, that as firing had commenced, he was unable to let them pass, without orders from his General, to whose presence he would conduct Mr. Parkes. Parkes, Loch, and one Sikh rode away with the officer. Suddenly turning the angle of a field of maize, they found themselves in the midst of a mob of infantry, whose uplifted weapons their guide with difficulty put aside. Further on stood[101] San-ko-lin-tzin, the Tartar General, of whom Parkes demanded a free passage. He was answered with derision; and, after a brief parley, in which San-ko-lin-tzin upbraided Parkes as the cause of all the disasters which had befallen the empire, at a sign from the General our men were tossed off from their horses, their faces rubbed in the dust, and their hands tied behind them, and so, painfully bound, were placed upon carts, and taken to Pekin. Orders, were, at the same time, sent to capture the escort, which had been already surrounded by ever increasing numbers. Some of the troopers suggested the propriety of cutting their way through, but Anderson replied it would compromise the others, and refused to do what his gallant heart desired.
Soon, however, the whole party was disarmed, and taken to Pekin on their horses without dishonor. Next day they were removed to the Summer Palace of Yuen-Ming-Yuen, where they were severally bound. Their hands and feet tied together behind their backs, they were thrown on their chests, and kept in the open air exposed to the cold at night, and the still considerable heat by day, without food or water, for three days and nights. From the first their bonds were wetted to tighten them, and if they attempted to turn or move to rest themselves, they were cruelly kicked and beaten. On the third day poor Anderson’s fingers and nails burst from the pressure of the cords, which were not even then relaxed. The wrist bones became visible, and mortification ensued; the victim became delirious, and thus mercifully made unconscious of the horror of his position, this gallant soldier died. During his sufferings his men made efforts to approach him and to gnaw his cords, but they were savagely kicked away by his inhuman jailers. The condition of the survivors was only ameliorated, after the lapse of three days, by the bonds on their hands and feet being exchanged for heavy chains and irons. But, from this time, they were regularly, though most scantily and miserably, fed.
Poor Bowlby died the fifth day, in the same way as Anderson, then De Norman and several of the men. All appear to have kept noble hearts, and to have cheered and encouraged each other, but no less than thirteen sank under the horrors of this captivity. Brabazon and a French Abbé, who were taken with the escort, were, still unbound, seen to leave the party, on the way to Pekin, saying they were going to the Chinese Commander-in-Chief to procure the release of their companions. Their mournful fate was, we rejoice to know, less horrible. They were beheaded, by order of a Chinese General, on the 21st September, in revenge for a wound he had received during the action of the day; but[102] their bodies being then thrown into the canal, were unhappily never recovered.
Parkes, Loch, and their Sikh orderly, had been taken off straight to Pekin, and never saw anything of the rest of their party. Parkes was known by sight and reputation, and his position and that of Loch was, in a manner, recognised. Their cords were unbound after eight hours, when they were heavily ironed, separated from each other, and each put into ward with sixty prisoners—murderers and felons of the first class—with whom they ate and slept and lived. By day they were allowed to move about in their wards; at night their chains were fastened to staples in the prison roof. They represent their fellow prisoners to have behaved uniformly with kindness towards them, sharing with them any little comforts they possessed, and carrying their chains when they moved. But they were treated with extreme rigour, and their allowance of food was scanty.
After the 29th September a change of treatment was adopted. Parkes and Loch were taken from prison, and confined together in a temple, where they were treated with every consideration. Their dinner was furnished by the Véry of Pekin, and mandarins visited them, bringing little presents of fruit. During this time the diplomatists were trying to turn Parkes to political account. They wrote to Lord Elgin to say that the prisoners then in Pekin were very well, and that the basis of a treaty was being arranged with Mr. Parkes, which would no doubt be satisfactory to all parties. And thus matters went on until the joyful day came of the prisoners’ release.
The firing spoken of as the immediate cause of the detention of our people, began thus: Colonel Walker and his party had been left in the lines of the Tartars, who were at first rudely good-humoured, as he moved about and observed how completely the guns, now in position behind a ridge of sandhills, covered the ground allotted by the Commissioners for the encampment of our forces. Suddenly Walker’s attention was attracted by a cry uttered close to him. He saw a French officer who had come out of Tung-chow during the morning, and had attached himself to the English, in the act of being cut down and pulled off his horse by a party of soldiers. Walker rode up to him, and catching hold of his hand, essayed to drag him away. A mob closed round Walker; some attempted to lift him off his horse; whilst others, taking advantage of his right hand being engaged, canted his sword out of its scabbard and made off. A mortal blow was dealt to the poor Frenchman; swords were drawn on[103] all sides; and Walker calling on his men to put spurs and ride, galloped for his life towards our troops, now drawn up within sight, about half a mile away. The party was pursued by cavalry, and fired on by Tartar infantry and guns in succession; but they reached our lines alive, with one horse severely, and two men slightly, wounded.
An immediate advance was made by the Allied forces; the enemy were speedily driven from their guns, and their cavalry was swept away by successive charges of our horse. All their guns, seventy-five in number, their camps, and quantities of arms, were captured by our troops, who occupied for the night the walled town of Chan-kya-wan, which gave its name to the battle. That place is twelve miles from Pekin, in a direct line, and four from Tung-chow, which is the port of Pekin on the Peiho; and lies to the right of the direct road from Tientsin.
But the victory did not lead, as we had fondly hoped, to the immediate recovery of the prisoners, victims of treachery so dark as to have been unsuspected even by the experienced and wary Parkes. The night before the foul plot was carried out, the Prince of Ee had entertained our people at dinner, and, smiling, had bidden them adieu. An officer, deputed by the Prince, attended the party in the morning, and it was perhaps not unnatural for Parkes to believe that he could induce the Prince to countermand the movement of troops which he then saw, and which he supposed to be unknown to the High Commissioner. The Prince’s reception of Parkes, of course, dispelled this expectation, and no time was lost in returning to camp. Even then there was no appearance of immediate danger to the party, unless from possible excitement of the rude soldiery through whom they had to pass; for both Chinese and Tartars had up to this time invariably shown the fullest confidence in the protection of flags of truce, under which officers had frequently passed between the Allied and Chinese camps during the war then waging.
The soldiers, however, possessed that reverence for the emblem of peace which animates most other savages; and it was at the hands of San-ko-lin-tzin, the commander-in-Chief of the Chinese army, and the apostle of competitive examination, that the Chinese Government was degraded to the last degree by the deliberate violation of a flag of truce, and by the capture of the heralds whom it should have shielded.
Having ascertained that a considerable force of Tartars was encamped between Tung-chow and Pekin, Sir Hope Grant advanced on the 21st September to attack their position. Again the Tartars were completely beaten, their camps and guns all captured, and great loss inflicted on the[104] enemy by our cavalry. The King’s Dragoon Guards made a capital charge; and a squadron of Fane’s horse, under Lieutenant Cattley, attached for the day to the French, after driving the enemy into a village, galloped quickly round it, and falling on the enemy’s flank, as he emerged on the other side, inflicted signal punishment. The number of Tartar troops on or about the field this day is estimated at 80,000 men, of whom 30,000 were actually engaged. The allied forces numbered 6200—viz., English, 3200 of all arms, and fifteen guns; and French, 3000, with twelve guns.
The action of Pā-li-chow left us in possession of the important strategic point called the Pā-li bridge, whereby the paved causeway from Tung-chow to Pekin crosses the canal constructed between those places. It further gave us the line of the canal on which the enemy had rested, and left the approach to Pekin open to our troops.
Our success was immediately followed by a letter from the Prince Koung, brother of the Emperor, and heir to the throne, announcing to the Ambassadors that he had been appointed, with full powers, to conclude a peace, in the room of Prince Tsai.
After the fight of the 18th, Sir Hope Grant had sent an express to summon General Napier, with as much of the 2nd division as could be spared from Tientsin. The General had already succeeded in procuring from the Chinese authorities carriage for his troops, which the Commissariat was unable to furnish. The order found them ready to move, and General Napier reached headquarters on the 24th, having marched seventy miles in sixty hours, with a supply of ammunition, which was much required, escorted by a company of Brownlow’s light-footed Punjabees.
The army halted in the position it had won until siege guns had arrived by water from Tientsin; fourteen days’ supply had been brought up the river, and all available troops had been collected. The force in front was strengthened by all the infantry of the garrison of Tientsin, which was replaced by the 19th Punjab Infantry from Tahlien Bay, and by marines, whom the Admiral landed from the fleet.
Advancing from Pā-li on the 6th October, the British took up position on the northern road leading from the gates of Pekin to Tartary, without falling in with any of the enemy, except a picket, which retired with precipitation. The French who were to have operated on the left between our flank and Pekin, marched, through some misunderstanding, across our rear, and took possession of the imperial palace of Yuen-Ming-Yuen, “the Fountain of Summer,” six miles to the North of Pekin, and four[105] miles away to our right. We heard nothing of them all night; but Sir Hope Grant found them the next morning, when arrangements were made for the division between the two forces of the treasures which the palace contained. But in the absence of any British troops the arrangements broke through, and our prize agents, finding the principal valuables appropriated by the French, abandoned their functions. Thereupon on the 8th indiscriminate plunder was allowed; but as of the British a few officers only had access to the palace, and none of the men, our officers were ultimately desired to give up all they had brought away, and the property they had collected was ultimately sold by auction for the benefit of the troops actually present in the field before Pekin.
A most spirited sale ensued of china, enamels, jade, furs, silk, &c., which realised ￡5000; and this sum, added to the amount of gold and silver bullion which had been brought in, enabled the prize agents at once to make a distribution amongst the troops, ranging from ￡3 for a private soldier, to ￡60 for a first-class field officer. All our generals surrendered their shares to the troops. The arrangement made was perhaps the fairest that could be arrived at under the actual circumstances of the time; but of a booty worth at least a million of money, belonging to the imperial crown—therefore prize of the fairest character—the British troops have profited only to the amount of ￡25,000. The balance has gone to the French, who take the broadest view of the question of halves, or to the Chinese peasantry, who plundered as they pleased, after the departure of the French, on the third day of occupation.
On the 8th October, the first-fruits of our advance on Pekin were realised, in the surrender to us, by the Chinese, of Messrs. Parkes and Loch, and the Sikh orderly who had been taken with them. A French savant and three men were given up at the same time. Our poor fellows looked wonderfully well; but M. d’Escayrae’s hands were still contorted by the pressure to which they had been subjected during the twenty hours in which he was bound. The delivery of prisoners was the direct result of an intimation sent to the Chinese, on the 7th October, that unless all the prisoners still in their hands were delivered up immediately, a gate of the city placed in our possession without opposition, and competent persons deputed to conclude a peace, Pekin would be taken by assault; but if all the prisoners were given up, our troops would not be allowed to enter the city, and the lives and property of the inhabitants should be respected.
Saturday, the 13th October, at noon, was the period fixed on for compliance with our demands. Before the time elapsed, eleven of our Sikh[106] horsemen who had been prisoners, were delivered up alive, and the remains of all who had perished (save poor Brabazon and the Abbé), were received in coffins. On the 17th they were buried in the Russian cemetery, with all the honour and solemnity that could be paid. The Ambassadors of England, France, and Russia, the Commanders-in-Chief, and the allied officers not on duty, attended. The Roman Catholic and Greek prelates showed, by their presence, generous sympathy in the untimely fate of our countrymen.
But as the complete fulfilment of the demands was still uncertain, batteries were erected against the city wall at a distance of 150 yards, by the British and French respectively, and arrangements were made for opening fire at noon of the 13th, if the gate was not by that time given up. Every one agreed in hoping that thousands of inoffensive people might be spared the misery of an assault; but the 2nd Division must have felt something like a pang when, at the appointed hour, they saw their General ride with an escort through the gate, and found, by the display of the ensign from its top, that the Tartars had surrendered to us the command of the Imperial city.
Yes, we were there, masters of the capital of China—at the very end of the map of the world—at the point which appears to schoolboy minds the limit of creation. We held the massive four-storied keep which frowns like a line-of-battle ship above the Gate of Peace; our troops and field artillery were actually on the walls which commanded the whole of the interior of the city, and they could move to any point along the fifty feet road which the summit of the wall presents. The walls and gates adjoining, together with some few larger double-storied buildings, were the only objects visible from our position varying the universal dun-colour of the city houses and enclosing walls. The broad street which leads from our gate into the city was packed with a dense crowd, anxious to make out the foreigners, and indulging in sonorous “Ei Yaws” at every novelty which met their wondering eyes. Electrified indeed were the Celestials when the bands of a French regiment, and of our 67th and 99th, struck up within the gateway, and guards presented their clanging arms as the Generals rode by; but the climax was reached when Desborough’s guns were spurted up the steep stone ramps which lead from the base to the summit of the wall, fifty feet in height, drawn by six horses of fabulous stature, and driven by the terrible barbarians who eat their enemies.
The surrender was carried out in good faith; but the appearance on the walls of guns of heavy calibre, evidently recently moved into positions[107] whence our batteries were observed, spoke either of divided counsels or of tardy resignation on the part of our enemies.
Still our success was insufficient. No retribution had been exacted for the violation of the flag of truce, and for the murder of our countrymen, and no one seemed to feel certain whether a treaty was to be obtained or not. It was useless to demand the surrender of the persons who had instigated the barbarous treatment of the prisoners, for they were known to be very near the person of the Emperor, and there was therefore no chance of our getting the real offenders. An atonement in money, for the iniquities perpetrated, though repugnant to our feelings, appeared to be the only kind of demand with which the Chinese Government, humiliated and beaten as it was, could be expected to comply. The readiest means of obtaining a treaty was obviously to remain at Pekin until we got it; but the French Commander refused positively to detain his troops at the capital after the 1st November, and the English General was greatly indisposed to incur the risk of keeping his force there through the winter, in the absence of complete and timely arrangements for provisionment, which it was considered the advanced period of the season rendered impracticable.
Accordingly, on the 18th October, an ultimatum was addressed by the plenipotentiaries to Prince Koung, requiring him to reply by the morning of the 20th, whether, after paying, as a necessary preliminary to further negotiations, a sum of money in atonement for the murders committed, he would on an early day sign the convention already agreed upon? His Excellency was told that the Summer Palace, which had been partially plundered before the fate of the prisoners was known, would now be entirely destroyed, that its ruins might present a lasting mark of the abhorrence of the British Government at the violation of the law of nations which had been committed. He was also told, that in case of refusal to comply with the demands now made, the Imperial Palace of Pekin would be captured, plundered and burned.
In support of the ultimatum, the 1st Division of the British force, with cavalry, proceeded on the 18th and 19th to complete the plunder and destruction of the Summer Palace, whose smoke, driven by the northerly wind, hung over Pekin, whilst its ashes were wafted into the very streets of the capital. The French declined to take any part in this act of punishment—first, because they thought the palace had already been destroyed on their quitting it; and further, they feared that this demonstration would frighten the Chinese out of all hope of making any treaty at all.
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The result showed that not one-fourth of the Imperial pavilions which constitute the Summer Palace had been even visited in the first instance, much less burned; and great booty was acquired by the troops employed as well as by the members of the embassy, navy, and staff, who were able to accompany the force. And so salutary was the effect produced on the advisers of the Imperial crown, that a letter acceding to all demands was received at daylight on the 20th, to the renewed disappointment of the 2nd Division, who again were under arms for the assault.
On the 22nd, the atonement-money, amounting to ￡100,000, was paid; and on the 24th, her Majesty’s Plenipotentiary, accompanied by the Commander-in-Chief, and escorted by a division of the army, entered in state and triumph the gates of the dim, mysterious city. The Ambassador was received by a deputation of Mandarins, who accompanied Lord Elgin to the hall, three miles distant, at the far side of the Tartar city, where the Prince Koung, surrounded by the principal officers of state, awaited his arrival.
At five o’clock that afternoon, ratifications of the treaty of 1858 were duly exchanged by the representatives of the sovereigns, and a convention signed, which, commencing with a recital of the Emperor’s regret at the occurrences at the Peiho Forts in 1858, declares Tientsin a free port, and thereby opens the Peiho to within seventy miles of Pekin for the traffic of the world. The provisions of the convention permit free emigration of Chinese, with their wives and families, to all parts of the world, and transfer a territory at Cowloon, opposite Hong Kong, where our troops were encamped in 1860, to the British Crown. An indemnity of three millions sterling to the British is guaranteed; and stipulation is made for the establishment of a British force at Tientsin, until the terms are fulfilled. A portion of the indemnity is to be paid 31st, December, 1860, whereon Chusan is to be evacuated by the English and French troops. But no provision is made for the evacuation of Canton, to which the French are at present understood to be disinclined to agree. The remainder of the indemnity is to be paid by periodical instalments of one-fifth of the gross revenue of the customs of China.
After signing the convention, Lord Elgin expressed a hope that the treaty would inaugurate friendly relations between the powers. Prince Koung replied that he himself had been about to utter the same words; and acknowledging that foreign affairs had hitherto been greatly mismanaged, observed, that as their administration was now exclusively placed in his hands, he had no doubt their future management would be more satisfactory.
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The Franco-Chinese treaty was ratified by Baron Gros and the Prince Koung on the following day.”
CINTRA, CONVENTION OF.—This disgraceful convention was concluded between the British army, under Sir Hew Dalrymple and the French under Marshal Junot. The latter were allowed to evacuate Portugal and to be carried home to France in British ships, taking with them their ill-got gain; signed the day of the battle of Vimeira, August 22nd, 1808.
CITATE.—Fought 5th January, 1854, between Omar Pacha and the Turks, on the one side, and the Russians on the other.
“The army to which was allotted the first active operation was that commanded by General Fishback, with Generals Engelhardt and Bellegarde under his orders. This force was to occupy the extreme west of the Russian line of attack, and to drive the Turks from their position at Kalafat. By the time, however, that Fishback had reached Citate, a village within a few miles of his destination, he discovered that his force of about 15,000 men was inadequate to dislodge an equal number, strongly intrenched, and in unimpeded communication with Widdin, on the opposite side of the river, whence considerable supplies of men and ammunition could doubtless be obtained. He resolved, therefore, to postpone the assault until the 13th of January (the Russian New Year’s day), by which time he would be in possession of the requisite reinforcements, which he anticipated would raise his force to 45,000 men. Achmet and Ismail Pachas, who commanded the garrison at Kalafat, were well aware of the plans of the Russian commander, and determined to forestall his action. At daybreak, on the 6th of January, they sallied from the town with fifteen field-pieces, 10,000 regular infantry, 4000 cavalry, and 1000 of the irregular troops, known as Bashi-Bazouks. Three thousand men from the garrison at Widdin crossed the river to defend Kalafat from surprise; and at Moglovitz, between that town and Citate, a similar number were detached as a reserve. About nine o’clock the Turks reached Citate, and opened a side fire upon the village, while the infantry vigorously charged in front. After three hours of sanguinary street-fighting, the nature of the ground forbidding organized military combinations, the Russians retreated to the works they had thrown up beyond the village. The Turkish field-pieces were now brought to bear upon the intrenchments, and several vigorous assaults were made and as bravely repulsed. In the midst of the conflict, a large body of Russian[110] reinforcements arrived, and the Turks, who occupied the gardens and orchards round the village, were exposed to an energetic assault in their rear. Nothing daunted, and favoured by their position, the Ottomans fought nobly, and succeeded in routing the newly-arrived reinforcement of the enemy, just as Ismail Pacha appeared upon the scene with the reserve from Moglovitz. Concentrating their forces, they now rushed at the intrenchments, and, beating down all opposition, drove the enemy from the position they had held. Nearly 2400 Russians dead in the streets and earth-works, a like number wounded, four guns, and the dep?ts of ammunition and arms which they captured, attested that day the prowess of the Turkish arms. Their own loss was about 200 killed and 700 wounded. For two days they held the place against the attempts of the Russians to recapture it; and then, emerging into the open field, drove the Russians before them back to Krajova. Then, retiring in triumph, they re-entered Kalafat, which, now mounting 250 heavy guns, and garrisoned (including Widdin) by 25,000 men, might safely promise a desperate resistance to any further Russian attempt.”
CIUDAD RODRIGO.—This strong fortress of Spain was invested by the French, June 11th, 1810, and surrendered July 10th, following.—Remained in the hands of the French till stormed gallantly by the British, under Wellington, January 19th, 1812.—Loss of the British and Portuguese 1000 killed and wounded, equal number of French, and 1700 prisoners.
CLONTARF, BATTLE OF.—Fought between the Irish and Danes on Good Friday, 1039. The Danes were signally defeated, 11,000 of them perished in battle, but the Irish had to deplore the loss of Bryan Boiroimhe, the King, and many of the nobility.
CLOSTERSEVEN, CONVENTION OF.—Between the Duke of Cumberland, third son of George II, and the Duke of Richelieu, commanding the French; 38,000 Hanovarians laid down their arms and were dispersed,—signed September 10th, 1757.
COALITIONS AGAINST FRANCE.
1st. Prussia issued her manifesto June 26th, 1792.
2nd. Great Britain, Germany, Russia, Naples, Portugal and Turkey signed them, June 22nd, 1799.
3rd. Great Britain, Russia, Austria and Naples, August 5th, 1805.
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4th. Great Britain, Russia, Prussia and Saxony, October 6th, 1806.
5th. England and Austria, April 6th, 1809.
6th. Russia and Prussia, ratified at Kalisch, March 17th, 1813.
COLONEL.—This word is derived from the French, and means the chief commander of a regiment of troops.
COMMANDERS-IN-CHIEF OF THE BRITISH ARMY SINCE 1674:
Duke of Monmouth 1674 Lord Amherst again 1793
Duke of Marlborough 1690 Frederick, Duke of York 1795
Duke of Schomberg 1691 Sir David Dundas March 25, 1809
Duke of Ormond 1711 Frederick, Duke of York May 29, 1811
Earl of Stair 1744 Duke of Wellington Jan’y 22, 1827
Field Marshal Wade 1745 Lord Hill, Gen’l Commander-
Lord Ligonier 1757 in-Chief Feb’y 25, 1828
Marquess of Granby 1766 Duke of Wellington again Dec. 28, 1842
Lord Amherst 1778 Viscount Hardinge Sept. 25, 1852
General Seymour Conway       1782 Duke of Cambridge July 15, 1856
CONFEDERATION OF THE RHINE.—The League of the Germanic States formed under the auspices of Napoleon Bonaparte. By this celebrated League the German States had to raise 258,000 troops to serve in case of war. It terminated with the downfall of Napoleon.
CONFLANS, TREATY OF.—A compact between Louis XI of France and the Dukes of Bourbon, Brittany and Burgundy. This treaty put an end to the “War of the Public Good,” in 1468.
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.—It was whilst preparing to cross the Alps, to chastise the barbarians, that Constantine is said to have witnessed the supernatural appearance which induced him to embrace Christianity, and establish it henceforth as the religion of the empire. While meditating in his tent on the dangers that surrounded him, and praying for divine guidance and protection amidst them, there is said to have appeared over against him in the heavens a pillar of light in the form of a cross, bearing this inscription, “By this overcome.” Those who were attached to paganism looked upon this as a most inauspicious omen, but it made a different impression on the Emperor. He caused a royal standard to be made, like the appearance he had seen in the heavens. This was always carried before him in his war as an ensign of victory and celestial protection. Soon after this event he embraced the religion of Christ, and a little while after encountered Maxentius, his opponent,[112] whom he utterly defeated in a terrible battle—Maxentius himself having been drowned while attempting to cross the river Tiber.
CONSTANTINOPLE.—Taken by the western crusaders in 1204. Retaken in 1261. Conquered by Mahomet II., who slew 6000 of the people, A.D. 1453. Ever since possessed by the Turks.
COPENHAGEN.—Capital of Denmark. It was bombarded by the English, under Nelson and Admiral Parker. Of twenty-three ships belonging to the Danes, eighteen were taken or destroyed, April 2nd, 1801. Again, after another bombardment of three days, the city and fleet surrendered to Admiral Gambier and Lord Cathcart, September 7th, 1807. Immense naval stores and eighteen sail of the line, fifteen frigates, six brigs, and twenty-five gunboats were captured.
CORNET.—An instrument of music of the nature of a trumpet. In modern usage, a cornet is a commissioned officer of cavalry next below a lieutenant who bears the ensign or colors of a troop.
CORONEA, BATTLE OF.—Fought between the Athenians and Allies and the Spartans. The King of the Spartans, engaging the Allies, completely defeated them, B.C. 394.
CORPORAL.—The lowest officer of a company next below a sergeant. The corporal of a ship of war is an officer under the master-at-arms, employed to teach the sailors the use of small arms. Napoleon was familiarly known among his troops by the name of the Little Corporal, and as he used to say there was just one step between the sublime and the ridiculous, so opposite extremes are taken in his titles. Emperor! Corporal!
CORUNNA, BATTLE OF.—Sir John Moore commanded the British army of about 15,000 men, and had just accomplished a safe retreat, when they were attacked by the French with a force of 20,000. They were completely repulsed, but the loss of the British was immense. Sir John Moore was struck by a cannon ball which carried off his left shoulder and part of his collar bone, leaving the arm dangling by the flesh. He died immediately. In the evening of the day of battle the remains of the splendid British army embarked at Corunna, January 16th, 1809. Previous to the battle, the army under their illustrious leader, had accomplished an arduous yet honorable retreat, for many leagues through an enemy’s country.
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CRACOW.—It was taken by Charles XII, in 1702. Taken and retaken several times by the Russians, and Kosciusko expelled the Russians, March 24th, 1794, but it surrendered to the Prussians the same year. Occupied by 10,000 Russians, September, 1831; seized by Austria, and incorporated into that empire, November 16th, 1846.
CRESSY.—Fought between the English and French, August 26th, 1346. In the month of July in the year 1346, King Edward, at the head of an army of 30,000 men, landed at La Hogue, in Normandy. He was accompanied by his son, the Prince of Wales, though only fifteen years of age, and by his principal nobility. Having taken several towns, he moved along the left bank of the Seine, which river he wished to cross, in order to join an army of Flemings in Picardy. But he found the bridges all broken, and King Philip, at the head of a numerous army, followed his motions on the opposite bank of the river. At length Edward contrived to repair one of the broken bridges, and to pass over unknown to Philip; and he then marched rapidly till he reached the river Somme; but he there again found all the bridges secured, and learned that Philip was at Amiens with 100,000 men. Being informed that there was a ford near the town of Abbeville, which might be passed when the tide was low, Edward set out for it at midnight; but when the English reached it, the waters were not sufficiently low; and while they were waiting, a large body of French cavalry came down to oppose their passage. The English horsemen, however, gallantly plunged into the stream, drove off the enemy, and gained the opposite bank. The whole army was over when King Philip arrived, and the rising of the tide obliged him to go round by the bridge of Abbeville.
Though the French army was nearly four times as numerous as his own, King Edward resolved to give it battle. He drew up his troops in three divisions on an eminence behind the village of Creci or Cressy. The prince of Wales, aided by the Earls of Oxford and Warwick, led the first, the King himself commanded the last. At dawn (the day was the 26th of August), Edward having heard mass and received the sacrament, rode along the lines, cheering his men, and at ten o’clock they sat down and took their breakfast in their ranks. The French, meantime, advanced from Abbeville in confusion and disorder. A storm of thunder and rain came on and lasted through a great part of the day; but at five o’clock in the afternoon, the sky becoming clear, Philip ordered a body of Génoese cross-bowmen, in his service, to begin the battle. The[114] Génoese gave a shout, and discharged their bolts; the English archers, who were posted in front, showered in return their arrows of a yard in length; and the Génoese, unable to re-charge their ponderous crossbows, fell into disorder. The count of Alen?on then charged the first division of the English with a numerous body of cavalry. The second line advanced to its aid, and a knight was sent off to King Edward, who was viewing the battle from the top of a windmill, to pray him to send more help. “Is my son slain or wounded?” said the King. “No, sire.” “Then,” replied he, “tell Warwick, he shall have no aid. Let the boy win his spurs.” When this message was brought to the English, it redoubled their courage; and the French were at length totally routed, with immense loss. “Fair son,” cried Edward to the Prince, as he clasped him to his bosom after the battle, “Fair son, continue your career. You have acted nobly, and shown yourself worthy of me and the crown.”
The person of the highest rank who fell in this great battle was John, king of Bohemia. This prince, who was blind from age, ordered four of his knights to lead him into the thick of the battle. They interlaced his and their own bridles, and rushed forward, and all were slain. The crest of the King of Bohemia, three ostrich feathers, and his motto, Ich dien, i.e. I serve, were adopted by the Prince of Wales, and still are those of the heir-apparent of the crown of England.
CRIMEA, LANDING IN THE.—Crimean War.—The following graphic description is from Emerson’s Sebastopol:—“At length the great fleet, nearly 400 vessels in all, on the 7th of September, 1854, a memorable day thenceforth, set sail for its destination. What that destination was none knew. Orders were issued to rendezvous off the Isle of Serpents, near the Sulina mouth of the Danube. The scene, when the immense flotilla was fairly under weigh, was of the most exciting and animating character. Every ship bore on its side the number of the regiment and nature of troops it conveyed, and carried a distinguishing flag. As night closed in, lanterns signalling the division to which it belonged were displayed, and an illumination, such as the waters of the Euxine never reflected, was witnessed by the sharers in the daring adventure. No incident of these modern practical times, perhaps, has partaken so largely of the character of romance as the departure of this renowned expedition. The great armada, which taxed the energies of the most powerful maritime nation of the sixteenth century, was a[115] puny flotilla compared to the one we are now writing of. The largest vessel of that celebrated fleet was a cockleshell to many of our noble steamers, detached from their customary vocation of carrying on the commercial intercourse of nations, and devoted to the service of war. Resources of science, unknown before the present generation, and adapted by skill to our naval requirements, were there in abundance, rendering a single steamer more than a match for a dozen vessels of an earlier age, and almost independent of the adverse winds and strong currents which had dispersed many a gallant fleet and defeated many a deep-laid scheme of conquest. Iron, naturally one of the densest of bodies, became, in the hands of the scientific shipwright, buoyant as cork; and vessels, each large enough to carry a regiment of cavalry besides its proper crew, and to which a Spanish brig-of-war of the days of Philip might have served for a jolly-boat, breasted the broad waves of the Euxine, freighted with as brave and chivalrous warriors as menaced Troy, or did battle with the infidel possessors of Jerusalem.
Brave and chivalrous indeed, for they sailed they knew not whither, to encounter an unknown enemy. It might be that they were to force a landing at once under the very guns of Sebastopol, and by sheer audacity achieve the capture of the renowned fortress. It might be that, debarking at a distance from that spot, they would be exposed to toilsome marches, in an enemy’s country, harassed by clouds of Cossacks, and opposed by great armies, in strong positions, infinitely outnumbering their own force, when even continuous victory would necessarily be almost entire annihilation. But, like the errant-knights of old, they anticipated no difficulties, and bore a stout heart for any fate. English and French, officer and man, seemed to have but one desire, that of meeting all foes at all hazards, and winning gallantly or dying gloriously.
The general instructions furnished to Marshal St. Arnaud (who, by reason of the French army being so numerically superior to the English, and his military rank as marshal being higher than that of Lord Raglan, assumed the rank of generalissimo of the expedition), and which were understood to have been drawn up by the Emperor Louis Napoleon himself, though leaving to the discretion of the Generals the point of debarkation on the shores of the Crimea, yet strongly recommended—so strongly, in fact, as almost to amount to a command—the choice of Kaffa as the most convenient spot. It was, we cannot help believing, exceedingly fortunate that the allied Generals resolved upon examining for themselves the locality, and ultimately rejected the plans of the[116] Emperor. Kaffa, it is true, affords the largest bay and the most secure anchorage in the Crimea, and, had they been the only requisites, there could have been little doubt that the imperial scheme would have been adopted. But the fleet was only valuable in the expedition as an auxiliary to the army—as a basis of operations, a dep?t of stores, a means of conveying reinforcements, an assistant in the actual bombardment, or a medium of retreat in event of a disaster. For all practical purposes Sebastopol was the Crimea; and Sebastopol is on the western coast, while Kaffa is on the eastern, at least 100 miles distant. Had the object been to provide for the security and comfort of the fleet, it might as well have been in snug quarters at Spithead or Cherbourg, as at Kaffa, and there it would have been about as useful. The plan of Napoleon was to seize the town of Kaffa, thence to march across the peninsula, taking possession of Karu-Bazar, Simferopol, and Baktchi-Serai, thus advancing to Sebastopol, and securing the harbour of Balaklava, as a naval basis near the scene of intended operations. But the Emperor, by some strange oversight, seems to have forgotten his own previous caution not to separate from the fleets, when he sketched out the march of an army, only 50,000 strong, encumbered with necessary ammunition and baggage, along a road forty miles from the sea in some parts, through a mountainous district, in an enemy’s country, for a 100 miles, exposed to continued encounters with immense armies, and necessitated to seize and retain possession of, at least, three large towns, strongly garrisoned. It is true, a force stationed at Kaffa might intercept reinforcements arriving from Asia, or along the narrow strip of land bridging the Putrid Sea; but what was to hinder the arrival of the legions which should be poured into the Crimea, through Perekop, the most direct and available route from the very heart of the military strength of Russia, on the first intelligence of the invasion? Supposing, too, that a sufficient force to hold Kaffa had been left in occupation there (and if it had not been, what would have prevented the arrival of troops from Asia and the north, which would have followed the invaders, and enclosed them between two fires?)—that the three great towns had been captured and consequently garrisoned—or where the utility of taking them?—deduct the necessary casualties of the march, and the inevitable results of the unavoidable battles, even supposing them to have been victories, and how many men could possibly have arrived before Sebastopol out of 50,000? The expedition to the Crimea at all was romantic, and is said to have been strongly opposed by some of our most able Generals; but this contemplated[117] march through a mountainous region, interposing innumerable obstacles to transit, in the face of a powerful enemy, far from assistance, cut off from supplies of food or ammunition, with three fortified towns to capture, at least several pitched battles to fight, and, as a finish to the prospect, the most strongly fortified town in the world to reduce, was the very absurdity of Quixoteism.
Fortunately, we say, the generals were wiser than their teacher. When the ships collected at their appointed rendezvous, orders were received to proceed to a spot about forty miles west of Cape Tarkan, in the north of the Crimea; then, embarking in the Caradoc, a small English steamer, Marshal St. Arnaud and Lord Raglan, accompanied by their seconds in command, Generals Canrobert and Brown, and Sir Edmund Lyons, proceeded to survey the coast and select the spot most favourable to their purpose. They skirted the western shore, ran close into Eupatoria, examined the coast thence to Sebastopol (where a few weeks previous, General Canrobert and Sir George Brown had closely scanned the fortifications on a flying visit, penetrating, under cover of night even into the harbour, and not retiring until the grey light of morning had revealed to them a considerable amount of information), passing almost within range of the guns, and coasting round to the little harbour of Balaklava; which having scrutinized, they returned in safety to the fleets. Had any of the large Russian steamers crossed the path of the little Caradoc, and attacked it, a very different fate might have awaited the Allies from that which they anticipated. But the Russian Admirals little dreamed of the prize they might have secured, and our modern Agamemnons were borne back unscathed from their perilous cruise.
On the morning of Monday, the 11th of September, the chiefs returned from their trip and rejoined the fleet; and the anxious expectation as to the point of debarkation, which had agitated the minds of all on board, during the two days’ tedious riding at anchor, was in some degree alleviated by the order to make sail, and rendezvous thirty miles west of Sebastopol. Even then, uncertainty seemed to cloud the counsels of the Commanders. The fleet was dispersed, the heavy sailing vessels having failed to keep in company with their more alert fellows of the steam fleet. At length, the English and French fleets, in one compact flotilla, approached the shore, and the town of Eupatoria, and the hills of the south-east, were presented to the eager gaze of the soldiers. A small steamer was despatched to summon the town to surrender at discretion,[118] and a refusal being received, a small body of English and French marines was landed, their appearance soon stifling any qualms of conscience the local authorities might have felt at yielding up their trust to the enemy. The fleet then shaping a course in a south-easterly direction, the plans of the allied Generals became apparent. About eight miles from Eupatoria the ships cast anchor at a mile from the shore, in the Bay of Kalamita, near a place known as Old Fort. A narrow strip of level land was the spot selected for debarkation, and the enemy exhibited no signs of opposition, or even preparation. It had been not unnaturally anticipated that a formidable resistance would have been made to the expected landing of the Allies, which could only then have been accomplished with much loss. On the contrary, the only signs of Russian life apparent, was the presence of a mounted Russian officer, who, attended by three or four Cossacks, securely stationed on a neighbouring eminence, was calmly sketching the scene.
It had been arranged that the ships of the Admirals should occupy the centre of the bay, thus dividing the two armies. Had this determination been carried out, the landing might have been effected with the least imaginable difficulty; but the French Admiral, with an exclusive attention to his own branch of the allied force, which subsequent events of the campaign paralleled, thought proper to anchor his vessel at the extreme right of the bay, thus throwing the vessels into considerable confusion. One transport was grounded, and several fouled in their endeavours to get into their proper positions. In an incredibly short space of time, however, order was restored; and, under the energetic superintendence of Sir Edmund Lyons, the steamers and transports commenced to discharge their living freights. The sea was literally covered with boats, laden with soldiers in their varied uniforms, and bearing rations for three days, every article that could possibly be dispensed with being left in the ships. Those who landed first marked out with flags the spots to be occupied by each division and regiment; and the sailors, standing knee-deep in the water, lent hearty assistance to those who were less amphibious than themselves. Nothing could exceed the delight of the sturdy seamen, as they lifted their red-coated compatriots from the boats, and placed them dry-footed on the shore; or lent a hand, with more zeal than knowledge, to disembark the horses. Frequently, a noble charger, startled by the novelty of his situation, would roll into the water, half a dozen ancient mariners clinging to his mane or tail, and sharing his immersion,—emerging at length, dripping with brine, but in a high state of jollity at having rescued[119] their steed, and overwhelming him with caresses of a nautical fashion, as they soothed his fears or indulged him with a short trot on terra firma. The two or three Cossacks who had watched our landing now deemed it prudent to withdraw, though not until a few shots had warned them of the prowess of the English riflemen, and one of their number had received a compliment from Major Lysons, of the 23rd, which would probably render his sitting in the saddle, or elsewhere, exceedingly inconvenient for some time to come. It so chanced, however, that even these few Cossacks were very nearly inflicting a heavy blow on the English army, by the capture of one of its most distinguished officers. Sir George Brown, general of the Light Division, had no sooner landed, than with characteristic daring he mounted his horse, and advanced alone to gain a view of the surrounding country. He had ridden some distance, and had closely approached the retreating party, quite unconscious of their neighbourhood, when he was suddenly astonished by the unwelcome apparition of three ferocious horsemen, lance in hand, in full career towards him, and at but a few yards’ distance. Sir George, who was almost unarmed, was too old a soldier to mistake rashness for courage, and wisely considering the odds too great, discreetly put spurs to his horse and galloped off, followed by his Cossack pursuers. A few of our men had fortunately, however, followed in the steps of their leader, and when they saw his danger, hastened to the rescue. Half a dozen levelled rifles proved too strong an argument for the valour of the Russian horsemen, and they, in their turn, made a precipitate retreat. Sir George Brown rejoined the main body, and proved, when the time came, that he could attack as bravely as he could retire discreetly.
By the time when the approaching darkness rendered it necessary to suspend operations for the day, 20,000 English, with thirty-six guns, and numerous horses, had been landed, and the French in about equal force. Our men had left their tents in the ships, and officers and common soldiers were alike unprovided with means of shelter. Their rations consisted of provisions for three days; and in this respect, those high in command shared with their less distinguished followers. As night closed in, torrents of rain began to descend, and in a brief space of time, the narrow strip of land on which they stood, bounded on the one side by the sea, and on the other by a salt lake, was a dismal swamp. Wrapping themselves in their blankets, which were thoroughly soaked in a few minutes, the men lay down in the mud, and endeavoured to sleep. A moderate, and not very luxurious supper of cold pork, washed down with[120] a single sip of rum, was their first meal in the Crimea; and then, officers and men strove to drown in slumber the wretched aspect of affairs which thus initiated their invasion. Sir De Lacy Evans was fortunate enough to possess a tent, which some considerate member of the veteran’s staff had contrived to bring on shore. An old cart, the property probably of some Tartar peasant, frightened from his accustomed labour, made, when overturned, a canopy such as royalty seldom couches beneath; but under its welcome shelter the Duke of Cambridge pressed, no doubt for the first time, the bare earth. The French were better provided. They had contrived to land a considerable number of tents; and, moreover, many of their regiments were supplied with the little tentes-abris, a portion of which was borne by each soldier; and several of these parts could be united into a small tent, sufficiently commodious to afford some protection from the severity of the weather.
How little can the home-keeping public realise the feelings which must have been predominant in the bosoms of the men during that melancholy bivouac! Soldiers are, perhaps, less sensitive to hardships and exposure than civilians; and probably comparatively callous to the finer sentiments. But it is scarcely possible to conceive that, out of 60,000 men, lying on the bare earth in an enemy’s country, there would be many who would not be keenly alive to the emotions their situations would naturally suggest. Physically depressed by a day of extreme toil, poorly fed, and drenched by the descending torrent, the past would be inevitably present to their imaginations, and with the past the probable future. Many men will march dauntlessly to the cannon’s mouth, and show no signs of fear, but with cheerful voice, and light step, dash through the enemy’s fire, and over the bodies of the dead. But in the stillness of the night, when no excitement warms his blood, the bravest will be despondent, and the strong man be moved with emotions as keen as those which agitate the breasts of the tender woman or the sympathetic child. Oceans rolled between them and all they had learned to love and value. No hand so rough but had been pressed by some other hand on the day of departure; no nature so fierce and ungentle but had softened into a better manhood as the cliffs of England receded from the view. And now they lay through the long hours of that miserable night, striving vainly enough to drown their remembrances in sleep, and gain renewed strength and courage for the morrow—the morrow that might bring death, and certainly imminent dangers. Before them lay an unknown land—a future of deadly uncertainty. Battles were to be fought, shot and steel to be encountered; and[121] who could tell who were destined to lie in the obscurity of death on that foreign soil, and who to bear the tidings back to thousands of melancholy homes?
Thus was passed the night of the 14th of September, the anniversary of the death of the great Duke of Wellington, who, two years before, ended his career amid the universally expressed sorrow of a great people. He was, we had fondly hoped, the last great representative of the military glory of this country. A new era had been, we believed, initiated, in which the arts of peace supersede the operations of war. And now, but two years after the conqueror of Waterloo had looked for the last time upon the world, an English army had landed upon the shores of a hostile territory, and was commencing a warfare of which no man could see the termination, and which bade fair to involve every nation of Europe. The chosen champion of England’s military glory was quiet in his tomb; but his companions, pupils, and successors were prepared to emulate his deeds, and strike as vigorously for the honor of their country, and the maintenance of the freedom of Europe.”
CROPREADY, BATTLE OF.—Fought between the forces of Charles I of England and the Parliament, June 6th, 1644. It was a drawn battle; for both sides, in their respective accounts, claim the victory.
CRUSADES.—The holy wars, waged by the Christians, to wrest the Sepulchre of Christ and Jerusalem, from the hands of the Saracens, continued for many years, and no important results were derived from them as regards territorial acquisition, but they had an immense effect in civilizing the west countries of Europe. There were three principal ones.
CUDDALORE.—India.—Possessed by the English in 1681. Reduced by the French, 1758. Recaptured two years afterwards by Sir Eyre Coote. Taken again in 1781. Besieged by the British under General Stuart in 1783.
CUIRASS.—A covering for protecting the body of cavalry from the weapons of opponents. The French had a body of soldiers covered with them.
CULLODEN, BATTLE OF.—Fought April 16th, 1746, between the Pretender and the Duke of Cumberland. The Scots lost 2500 men, while the English lost only 200. A writer thus describes the battle:—
“Thus far the affairs of the rebel army seemed not unprosperous; but[122] here was an end of all their triumphs. The Duke of Cumberland, at that time the favourite of the English army, had been recalled from Flanders, and put himself at the head of the troops at Edinburgh, which consisted of about 14,000 men. With these he advanced to Aberdeen, where he was joined by several of the Scotch nobility, attached to the house of Hanover; and having revived the drooping spirits of his army, he resolved to find out the enemy, who retreated at his approach. After having refreshed his troops at Aberdeen for some time, he renewed his march, and in twelve days he came up to the banks of the deep and rapid river Spey. This was the place where the rebels might have disputed his passage, but they lost every advantage in disputing with each other. They seemed now totally void of all counsel and subordination, without conduct, and without unanimity. After a variety of contests among each other, they resolved to wait their pursuers upon the plains of Culloden, a place about nine miles distant from Inverness, embosomed in hills, except on that side which was open to the sea. There they drew up in order of battle, to the number of 8000 men, in three divisions, supplied with some pieces of artillery, ill manned and served.
“The battle began about one o’clock in the afternoon; the cannon of the King’s army did dreadful execution among the rebels, while theirs was totally unserviceable. One of the great errors in all the Pretender’s war-like measures, was his subjecting wild and undisciplined troops to the forms of artful war, and thus repressing their native ardour, from which alone he could hope for success. After they had kept in their ranks and withstood the English fire for some time, they at length became impatient for closer engagement; and about 500 of them made an irruption upon the left wing of the enemy with their accustomed ferocity. The first line being disordered by this onset, two battalions advanced to support it, and galled the enemy with a terrible close discharge. At the same time the dragoons, under Hawley, and the Argyleshire militia, pulling down a park wall feebly defended, fell among them, sword in hand, with great slaughter. In less than thirty minutes they were totally routed, and the field covered with their wounded and slain, to the number of 3000 men. The French troops on the left did not fire a shot, but stood inactive during the engagement, and afterwards surrendered themselves prisoners of war. An entire body of the clans marched off the field in order, while the rest were routed with great slaughter, and their leaders obliged with reluctance to retire. Civil war is in itself terrible, but much more so when heightened by unnecessary cruelty. How guilty soever an enemy may be, it is the[123] duty of a brave soldier to remember that he is only to fight an opposer, and not a suppliant. The victory was in every respect decisive, and humanity to the conquered would have rendered it glorious. But little mercy was shown here; the conquerors were seen to refuse quarter to the wounded, the unarmed, the defenceless; some were slain who were only excited by curiosity to become spectators of the combat, and soldiers were seen to anticipate the base employment of the executioner. The Duke, immediately after the action, ordered thirty-six deserters to be executed. The conquerors spread terror wherever they came; and, after a short space, the whole country round was one dreadful scene of plunder, slaughter, and desolation; justice was forgotten, and vengeance assumed the name.”
CUNNERSDORF, BATTLE OF.—The King of Prussia with 50,000 men attacked the Austrian and Russian army with 90,000 men (in their camp). At first he gained considerable advantages, but pursuing too far, the enemy rallied and gained a complete victory. The Russians lost 200 pieces of cannon and 20,000 men in killed and wounded. Fought August 12th, 1759.
CUSTOZZA, BATTLE OF.—Fought Sunday, 24th June, 1866 between the Austrians and Italians. “The Italian army, divided into three corps and a reserve, making up a force of from 80,000 to 90,000 combatants, after crossing the Mincio at Gotto, and on the other points, on Saturday afternoon, June 23rd, 1866, and sending reconnoitering parties towards Peschiera and Verona, encamped for the night at some place beyond Roverbella, equidistant from the two fortresses. On the ensuing morning an attempt was made upon those high positions of Sona, Somma Campaigna, and Santa Ciustina, which commands the fifteen miles railway line joining the two strongholds, positions which played a conspicuous part in the campaign of 1848. The object of the Italians was evidently to take possession of the railway, so as to isolate Peschiera and secure a basis of operations against Verona. The Austrians, however, who were massed in great force at Verona, sallied forth from that place at daybreak, and, anticipating the Italian movements, took up their position upon those hills, which are now everywhere bristling with bastions and redoubts, and may be looked upon as mere outworks of the two citadels, extending from the gates of one to those of the other. After a severe and bloody, or, as the Italians describe it, “desperate struggle,” which lasted nearly the whole day—that longest of summer days—the Imperial[124] army was victorious along the whole line. They stormed the summit of Montevente, where the Italians held out the longest, and at the close of the engagement, at five o’clock in the afternoon, they also carried the position of Custozza, a spot fatal to Italian arms in their encounter with Radetski, in July, 1848. The victors captured several guns, and about 2000 prisoners, and behaved, as the Archduke Albert’s bulletin assures us, and as we may readily believe, with even more than their ordinary bravery and endurance. On the same evening the Italian army was obliged to re-cross the Mincio.
The Italian accounts of the engagement present no points of material difference. According to them, the first army corps was sent forward to occupy some positions between Peschiera and Verona, but being surrounded by superior numbers, it “failed to effect its purpose,” and the description given of its losses in the contest leaves us little doubt that it was all but annihilated. The second and third corps, unable—it is not said for what reason—to advance to its rescue, were still in the evening “almost intact.” It was also stated from Brescia that the army had maintained its position; but there is little doubt that it had to withdraw across the Mincio later in the night. The Italians had several of their Generals wounded, among others the King’s second son, Prince Amadeus, who has arrived at Brescia.
There is every probability, also, that the Italians were, on this occasion, outnumbered by their enemies: for the Austrians have from 200,000 to 250,000 men in Venetia, and as they had in their hands the most formidable of all engines of modern warfare—the railway, they had probably massed three-fourths, at least, of their troops in Verona, ready for the long-expected Italian inroad. The Archduke’s bulletins, in fact, never speak of garrisons, but tell us that the “imperial army” was in the field.
The Italians, we are assured, behaved with great heroism, and, no doubt although they lost the day, they came off without loss of honour. An advance across the Mincio, right into the heart of the Quadrilateral, is an enterprise which no other European army would, under such circumstances, have ventured upon, but a frenzy to do something seems to have possessed the whole Italian nation, and the men in command could think of nothing better than dashing their heads against those formidable stone walls. There may be bravery in so desperate an attempt to take the bull by the horns, but we believe it would be impossible for the king or La Marmora to say what results they expected from their ill-conceived and[125] worse-executed attempt. It was a battle in which they staked the very existence of their army, while their enemies, in the worst event, ran no other risk than that of a safe and leisurely retreat behind the shelter of their bastions. The least that may be said of it is, that like the Balaklava charge, “C’était beau mais ce n’était pas la guerre.” Ever since 1848 and 1849 the Austrians have strained every nerve to strengthen these four citadels, and have extended their outworks, so that the line between Peschiera and Verona, especially, is a vast intrenched camp.”
CYZICUM, BATTLE OF.—Fought during the Peloponnesian war. Plutarch states that Mindarus was slain in this battle. The Athenians gained a complete victory over the Laced?monian fleet. Fought B.C. 410.